South Africa is witnessing a large number of African immigrants coming into the country. These immigrants seek formal and informal employment. One sector favoured is ‘dirty work’ within the informal sector.
To investigate the immigrants’ motivational factors influencing migration and dirty work entrepreneurship in South Africa.
Because of the dynamic nature of political and economic circumstances that affect a country’s employment options, calls have been made for empirical focus on understanding the career development processes of neglected sample groups such as immigrants and even those engaged in dirty work.
A qualitative research approach was utilised based on the narratives and stories of 27 immigrant entrepreneurs in the informal sector engaged in dirty work careers.
Three narratives emerged as motivating factors for migrating: (1) socio-economic issues, (2) lack of opportunities and (3) experience of a new life. Furthermore, three motivational factors led into dirty work careers: (1) challenges of breaking into formal employment because of immigration rules, (2) motivation from social networks the immigrants belong to and (3) an enterprising spirit, driven by ambition.
Based on the findings, interventions can be proposed to assist not only those engaged in dirty work but also migrants and citizens seeking opportunities in this sector.
This study advances the literature in dirty work research within a South African context. Further, the study gives currency to an often neglected yet important sample group in dirty work entrepreneurship, who also happen to be immigrants.
Small, micro and medium enterprises (SMMEs) offer great economic value in alleviating poverty (Charman, Petersen, Piper, Liedeman, & Legg,
Dirty work careers offer opportunities for a significant number of African immigrants (Hart & Acs,
The study explored immigrants’ motivational factors in migrating and entrance into dirty work careers in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. This became relevant in the following ways. Foremost, dirty work is known to exist and hence such unusual but crucial careers ought to be performed just as mainstream labour (Ashforth & Kreiner,
Further, the South African informal sector economy has an insignificant impact on the economic development agenda (Charman et al.,
This study uses a push–pull plus concept (Van Hear, Bakewell, & Long,
Studies on skilled African expatriates cite worsening economic and political conditions and stagnant career development as the main push factors and the reverse of such conditions – stability, security and better work environments – form pull factors for migrating (Harry et al.,
Two models are considered as influencing entry into dirty work. Firstly, the model of entrepreneurial careers (MEC) of Dyer (
Dyer (
When the challenges become conditions, socialisation forms adaptive measures to compensate and reach an outcome (Dyer,
A qualitative research approach based on narratives and stories of individual participants was adopted. This approach brought about the deeper understanding of the immigrants’ motivational factors in an expanded form. The strength of qualitative research in studies related to immigrants and entrepreneurship is the enhancement of participants’ free flow and expression concerning the phenomenon under-study in their natural setting (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison,
In-depth interviews with probing were conducted to allow individual participants to put their lived experiences in a narrative context for the attainment of the richest source of information (Smith,
Out of a group of African immigrant owners in dirty work careers operating in East London, 27 participants (19 males and 8 females from 7 different countries) were selected to participate in the research. A non-probability sampling method with a snowball sampling technique was employed in selecting participants (Cohen et al.,
Participant profiles.
Participant (pseudonym) | Age | Country of origin | Years in South Africa | Highest level of education | Current career |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Amon | 36 | Zimbabwe | 11 | Technical college | Tree felling |
Seko | 45 | Ghana | 15 | Diploma in Education | Hairdressing |
Joe | 44 | Zimbabwe | 13 | Technical college | Carpentry |
Doe | 42 | Ghana | 13 | Highest national diploma | - |
Diana | 38 | Zambia | 14 | Grade 12 | Hairdressing |
Shan | 45 | Zimbabwe | 16 | Technical college | Rubble removals |
Akosua | 36 | Ghana | 7 | Highest national diploma | Hairdressing |
Victoria | 38 | Ghana | 8 | Grade 12 | Hairdressing |
Bless | 44 | Nigeria | 8 | Bachelor (honours) | - |
Isaac | 45 | Ghana | 17 | A level (matric) | Vulcanising |
Gabriel | 49 | Ghana | 19 | A level (matric) | Hairdressing |
Chanda | 37 | Zambia | 10 | Grade 11 | Hairdressing |
Thomas | 38 | Ghana | 12 | Grade 11 | Hairdressing |
Jefta | 42 | Malawi | 8 | Grade 12 | Masonry |
Kennit | 45 | Ghana | 5 | Bachelor (honours) | Car washing |
Prince | 33 | Ghana | 4 | Grade 9 | Carpentry |
Joseph | 38 | Mozambique | 12 | Grade 9 | Carpentry |
Jolyn | 36 | Zambia | 11 | Grade 12 | - |
Patricia | 51 | Ghana | 18 | Grade 9 | Hairdressing |
Silan | 45 | Cameroon | 15 | Grade 9 | - |
Moh | 46 | Nigeria | 15 | Diploma in Marine Studies | - |
Edem | 35 | Ghana | 4 | Technical school | Masonry |
Alice | 50 | Zambia | 18 | Grade 12 | - |
Dan | 42 | Ghana | 7 | Grade 9 | - |
Rosey | 38 | Ghana | 8 | Grade 9 | Hairdressing |
Alfred | 33 | Zimbabwe | 11 | Form 6 (matric) | Carpentry |
Ketana | 40 | Mozambique | 12 | Grade 12 | Rubble removal |
A carefully developed interview guide with open-ended questions was utilised for the interviews. Prior to every interview, the participants were briefed thoroughly and reassured of their rights and responsibilities in the participation in the research (Miles, Huberman, & Saldana,
Completed transcriptions were imported to QSR NVivo Version 11 for better data management and analysis (Woods, Paulus, Atkins, & Macklin,
Strict guidelines were followed to ensure data quality and reporting. Firstly, an interview guide was designed and reviewed by experts and was piloted in the validation process. Secondly, data collection lasted for a 5-month period, which allowed a relaxed atmosphere with adequate researcher reflections and accurate transcription. Data collection stopped only when the researchers were convinced that data saturation was reached, whereby no new information was extracted from the analysis. The researchers checked and verified the factors that emerged to reduce subjectivity and optimise the validity of the analysis as well as the internal reliability of the research (Miles et al.,
This research followed the institutional ethical requirements. Participants were served with letters and consent forms detailing the objectives, confidentiality issues and their right to participation (Miles et al.,
Drawing from the data analysis, two main findings emerged. While the first finding was the motivating factors for leaving the home country, the second was the motivation to enter into dirty work in the host country.
Motivating factors for leaving home country.
Factor | Meaning | Illustrating quotes |
---|---|---|
Socio-economic issues | Financial constraints, home country economic conditions, schooling challenges | ‘I dropped out of school due to financial matters and hardship … I hustle to support my parents and siblings so I had to move to SA.’ (Thomas, Ghana) |
Lack of opportunities | Unemployment, difficulty in finding a job in home country, low pay | ‘I was [impatient] because when I finished my degree I was not finding a job and it was about whom you know so I decided to travel.’ (Bless, Nigeria) |
Experience a new life abroad | Desire to turn life around | ‘I wanted to travel to make my life better since [the] economic situation was tough and opportunities were not really there for some of us.’ (Prince, Ghana) |
Motivational factors for dirty work.
Factors | Meaning | Illustrating quotes |
---|---|---|
Document constraints | Delays in permit issuing, not meeting requirements | ‘When I came I noticed that because of documentation and its requirements I wasn’t going to get a soccer team soon, so I started working in a salon.’ (Seko, Ghana) |
Social support seeking and acceptance | Reliant on established immigrants for skills and jobs | ‘I learned this job here through my [countrywoman] I approached for help and she agreed to work with me.’ (Jolyn, Zambia) |
Enterprising spirit | Desire to earn, low level of contentment, urgency in success | ‘You don’t get what you want when you work for a company as a carpenter. It’s better to be self-employed as it was in my case.’ (Joe, Zimbabwe) |
The first factor, socio-economic issues, covers the home country’s poor economy, poverty, parental and personal hardship, living and financial constraints. This factor was summed up as having influenced most of the participants’ education and infringed on their competitive abilities and hence the decision for migrating (see
‘I did finish senior secondary school (matric) and I passed very well but [had] no money to carry on, no opportunities for me. I became eager to travel; you know; my country is hard economically I needed to leave …’ (Victoria, female, hairdresser, Ghana)
To Alfred, experiencing hardships because of socio-economic issues coupled with inadequate skill was difficult to manage. He explained:
‘Things were bad back home for me and my family … I was facing severe challenges. There was no money, adequate food and resources and I was a bright guy but I couldn’t pass form six very well. I didn’t get a job back home and I knew that I can get a job when I come to South Africa …’ (Alfred, male, carpenter, Zimbabwe)
A second factor motivating participants’ decision to migrate was the lack of comparable opportunities especially in the area of jobs and remuneration (more quotes in
‘In my country those who have [become] established already are fine but some of us who were in the informal business like hairdressing – it’s not easy, it [is] just struggling and hand to mouth affairs … so it was difficult to make it big with this hairdressing there.’ (Chanda, female, hairdresser, Zambia)
In addition to the two identified factors contributing to participants’ decision to migrate, the need for a new life experience outside their home country was cherished.
‘I decided to travel because my petty trading business wasn’t meeting my dream target. I knew there was no way to overcome all the difficulties and become somebody at home at that time … I used to see those who come from abroad and how they were progressing in life so I was motivated; that is why I’m here and still forcing [myself] to work hard to succeed.’ (Kentana, male, rubble removals, Mozambique)
In addition to the illustrating quotes (
The study also focused on the motivation for indulging in dirty work entrepreneurship.
The challenge of breaking into formal employment because of immigration rules became a route to dirty work entrepreneurship. Although prior to migration, some participants anticipated finding jobs in the formal sector, informal sector dirty work became a career option. This was because of lack of meeting work permit requirements or failure to attain documentation on time (illustrating quotes in
‘When I came, acquiring a document became a problem as the policies were changed so often. As things were delayed, I opted to enter into the informal sector and work in the salon rather for the time being while sorting out my documentation … I was thinking I was going to get a job as a banker, teacher or manager in a company but none came my way because of documents delay …’ (Bless, male, hairdresser, Nigeria)
This factor influenced the participants’ plans, perceptions about careers and their stigma as well as entrepreneurship intentions and behaviours. The story of Prince appears to reveal this:
‘I became stranded in a way since I needed to sort out my documentation and at the same time needed money to survive … By the look of things, I found that documentation was a problem as per requirements, a company needs to have your work permit of which at that time I was not having but I knew … I can manage my own small business in the informal sector. I will say I might have entered into the formal sector if I had the document …’ (Prince, male, carpenter, Ghana)
The second motivating factor emanated from the social networks immigrants belong to (more quotes in
‘When I came to South Africa in 2005, I joined other foreigners who were doing these jobs already so they took me and taught me how to do [these] carpentry and tiling jobs … I spent about one year three months for carpentry and tiling took me about six months. I then worked with these artisans before I left … Besides that, there was nothing immediate for me to do since I was not having documents.’ (Joseph, male, carpenter, Mozambique)
Similarly, Patience, despite being a professional hairstylist before migrating, still had to connect and depend on established immigrants for support. She narrated:
‘I was a professional hairdresser already … It’s just that nobody comes with capital to start a business. So that was why I worked with somebody to get some money to buy the needed tools to start my own salon business … So I worked for someone for a while to get a paper and also to know the market and how things work here.’ (Patience, female, hairdresser, Ghana)
Finally, an enterprising spirit driven by ambition (further quotes in
‘When I came, I started working as a chef but in a small business and the salary was not good enough for me to survive. So I left and started working in a construction industry. The pay was not much … Then my Uncle employed me in his tree felling business … I started doing all the jobs but he pays me little portion, so I said to myself, why can’t I do my own thing to be my own boss? So I bought one machine to start with.’ (Amon, male, tree felling, Zimbabwe)
Drawing from the strong desire to succeed in the host country, in some instances, participants such as Prince relied on income analysis discourse as a measure to influence the rationale to become self-employed. He said:
‘I started from the salon working for somebody but I felt that I was underpaid and cheated in a way. I did my own analysis from the income we were generating at the salon and how much I was paid, so this motivated me to take the necessary steps to save and leave and set up my own business and utilise my main skill …’ (Prince, male, carpenter, Ghana)
Even participants such as Shan who had once had a formal job discontinued it because of the urgent zeal to succeed. He narrated:
‘When art business was bad, I looked for employment in the formal sector as a driver, but there too the salary was not good so after two years I decided to be self-employed so that I can make something for myself. I didn’t want to be addicted to this small monthly salary and job, because there could be retrenchment, or the business can collapse, and then I can get stuck in life … So I started this rubble removals business in 2006.’ (Shan, male, rubble removal, Zimbabwe)
The main motivating factor was the search for greater financial independence and individual economic stability en route to overturning past experiences of hardship. Hence, dirty work entrepreneurship forms part of their economic emancipation.
This study investigated the motivating factors of African immigrants leaving their home countries for South Africa. These factors are as follows: (1) socio-economic issues, (2) lack of competitive opportunities and (3) the desire to experience a new life abroad. Their interactions, experiences and relationships with adverse circumstances in their home country called for migration in order to redefine their life. The motivating factors for being involved in dirty work career entrepreneurship are (1) problems with immigration paperwork, (2) social network involvement and (3) an enterprising spirit. Thus, the document challenges encountered forced the participants to make use of their social networks and the need to be independent dirty work entrepreneurs was drawn from ambitious enterprising spirit. Although the former factors served as push factors for leaving home countries and the later formed the pull factors for being dirty workers in the host country, great challenges formed part of the immigrants’ successful stories in adaptability.
In this study, the adverse socio-economic conditions experienced by the participants influenced the decision to migrate, and this is consistent with previous studies. People, especially those from less developed countries, migrate to disassociate themselves from challenges faced in the home country (Harry et al.,
As demonstrated in previous studies, the lack of work permits excluded and restricted the participants from formal jobs (Bogan & Darity,
In line with the literature, the social networks provided immigrants with informal training and learning (Aliaga-Isla & Rialp,
For an immigrant to become an independent entrepreneur out of necessity requires an enterprising spirit (Block et al.,
Many countries, including developing ones, are experiencing an influx of unskilled and undereducated international immigrants (Fatoki & Patswawairi;
Inspiration could be drawn from the immigrants’ utilisation of social networks to learn, perfect skills and accumulate resources (Aliaga-Isla & Rialp,
The enterprising spirit as narrated could be used as an empowerment tool for breaking the circle of the ‘once employed remained employed’ attitude of some people. Importantly, having knowledge about the depth of constraints immigrants’ experience, their resilience, strategies and motivations for overcoming such difficulties may equip people in similar circumstances. It may lead to alteration of hostile perceptions harboured against them and help to expand SMME economic activities in the informal sector (Charman et al.,
As a heterogeneous group, immigrants require future research to deeply and widely look into their motivating factors for surviving in host countries without becoming homeless. With this, it could be established how this wealth of entrepreneurship characteristics became ingrained in this category of immigrants. This is essential because this research suggests that African immigrants fine-tune their innate entrepreneurship characteristics to easily adapt to dirty work careers in the host country.
The findings of this research should be cautiously interpreted and applied but are not generalisable based on some limitations. Firstly, the sample consisted of immigrants (who happened to be unskilled) from only seven different African countries residing in South Africa, with varying cultural situations. Secondly, the dirty work businesses from which participants were selected were SMMEs with very few (involving five or fewer) employees, and those businesses varied in nature. Thirdly, only three locations in one town, mainly composed of African immigrant businesses, made up the demographic. Furthermore, only participants known to have established businesses and managed them by themselves were involved in the study.
Currently, because of advances in communication systems and human interactions, opportunities are easily spotted from abroad and this has led to migration between developed and developing countries. Many skilled or unskilled individuals can easily self-migrate. As a result, many unskilled and undereducated migrants have joined dirty work careers. However, research about this category of immigrants in this type of career is still limited. This study contributes to the understanding of the motivating factors underlying the decision to migrate and participate in dirty work entrepreneurship as a career path in South Africa. This research finding lays the basis for future research on immigrants and dirty work.
The authors thank all the participants of this study. Furthermore, the authors wish to thank the Govan Mbeki Research Development Centre at the University of Fort Hare for providing funding to conduct this study.
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
C.C. collected and analysed the data. He was responsible for writing the first two drafts of this paper. W.C. supervised C.C.’s postdoctoral fellowship. He also oversaw the data analysis and writing of the article.
Generous funding to conduct this study was provided by the Govan Mbeki Research Development Centre at the University of Fort Hare.