The mining industry is renowned for above-average remunerations relative to other industries (Pactwa, 2019). According to Ellix et al. (2021), one of the reasons women enter the mining industry is because of competitive remuneration offered by mining companies. Hutchings et al. (2011) state that competitive salaries, such as compensation for overtime work, bonuses, annual anniversary allowances, profit sharing, leave encashments, subsidised rent and living away from home allowances, among others, are some of the contributing sources of attraction. Mining has always been known as a high-paying industry. Previously, Rothmann and Baumann (2014) found that the perception that the mining industry offers competitive salaries and fringe benefits attracted individuals to mining. Similarly, Nyabeze et al. (2010) discovered that women’s attraction to employment in mining was in part because of the industry’s ability to offer competitive remuneration in the form of salaries, pensions and fringe benefits that contribute to a high quality of life. In a recent study, Ledwaba and Nkomo’s (2021) study revealed that increased earning potential was a major factor leading women to seek employment in the mining industry. Research participants in the study stated that in addition to providing them with permanent employment, mining provided them with the opportunity to earn wages that enabled a high quality life.

It should be noted that while competitive remuneration and fringe benefits to some extent attract women to mining, the gender pay gap can be a deterrent to attraction. According to Ellix et al. (2021), the mining industry in South Africa has one of the highest median gender pay gaps compared to other industries. Cooper et al. (2022) in their research – titled A Gendered Analysis of Employment and Skills in the Large-Scale Mining Sector: South Africa – corroborated that men in mining earn more than twice as much as women. This challenge is not only unique to South Africa. Similarly, research conducted by Mining Technology (2022) and Stockholm Precision Tools (2023) revealed that on average, the United Kingdom has a gender pay gap of 17.3%, Spain 19.5% and Estonia 22.7%, indicating that generally, women in the mining industry earn less than men.

The availability of career development opportunities plays an imperative role in attracting employees (Aguenza & Som, 2012; Guest, 2014; Khabir, 2014; Ledwaba, 2017). The MQA’s (2020) study on women in mining in South Africa revealed that women ventured into mining careers because of the possibility of learning new skills and the opportunity for career development. Similarly, Ellix et al. (2021) discovered that most women are drawn to the industry because of the opportunities for professional growth and career advancement. The pertinence of the provision of career development has also been emphasised by the Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy (AusIMM [2009]), the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining (CSRM) (2006), Gibson and Scoble (2004) and Nyabeze et al. (2010), who view it as a key factor affecting the attraction of women in mining.

Furthermore, the provision of career growth and/or development opportunities may indicate an organisation’s concern for the well-being of its employees, which may result in potential employees developing positive and favourable perceptions of it, thereby increasing attraction (Kumari & Saini, 2018). In addition to career development, not only do women want to be trained or developed; they also want to pass on those skills to others. Carvalho (2018) found that women place a high value on the ability to apply what they have learned and teach it to others. Value is also placed on having a sense of belonging and concern for humanity (Carvalho, 2018). Hence, Hutchings et al. (2011) emphasise that enhancing career development opportunities particularly tertiary education and other government-related training initiatives should be one of the primary strategies for employee attraction.

A work-balanced workplace is one that allows employees to balance their work responsibilities with their personal lives that is, their responsibilities and interests outside work (Almaaitah et al., 2017). Work-life balance is one of the factors affecting the attraction of women to mining. Generally, employment in mining is associated with shift work and working after hours, as mining is a continuous process and operates on a 24-hour cycle, which is divided into three 8-h shifts – morning, afternoon and night (Botha, 2017). Research conducted by Botha (2014, 2017) revealed that most women in mining (married and unmarried) are affected by shift work and working after hours. According to Lord and Eastham (2011), Mining Dot Com (2014) and Nyabeze et al. (2010), women in mining face challenges in maintaining a healthy work-life balance because of unfavourable work shifts and expectations to work overtime. In addition to the working arrangements, the locations of mines, which are commonly remote, have an impact on family-friendly work environments (Hutchings et al., 2011). The International Labour Organization (ILO) (2021) conducted research with 149 000 women in mining across 142 countries that confirmed that work-life balance and a lack of affordable care for children were among the significant challenges affecting women globally. These challenges affect how the industry is viewed from the outside, which, in turn, influences the perceptions of those who aspire to be employed in it, thereby influencing their participation rate in the industry (Fernandez-Stark et al., 2019; MIHR, 2016).

According to the United Nations (2014, p. 1), a gender stereotype is a ‘generalised view or preconception about attributes that are or ought to be possessed by women and men or the roles that are or should be performed by men and women’. Women employed in mining are subjected to negative gender stereotypes. The ILO (2021) notes that gender stereotypes accompanied by workplace cultures and structures that favour men’s traditional roles and lifestyles are major challenges plaguing the mining industry. The male dominance of the industry often results in men occupying positions that reflect masculine stereotypes associated with power and authority, which exacerbate their superiority over women (Botha, 2014; Ledwaba, 2017; PwC, 2013). Because the industry is male dominated, women are perceived as lazy and lacking the capabilities and strength to perform mining jobs. As a result of this perception, there is a notion that men make better miners than women (Benya, 2009; Khoza, 2015; Kilu et al., 2017). A male-dominated workplace culture creates biases in attracting women in mining and leads to different forms of discrimination against their employment (Ozkan & Beckton, 2012).

Previously, research conducted by Benya (2009) showed that organisational culture in mining was largely impacted by gender stereotypes that influenced perceptions of which occupations and behaviours were deemed suitable and acceptable for men and women. Women are said to be judged on their gender rather than their merit. To be taken seriously, women must work harder than men and sacrifice their femininity (Phoshoko, 2022). This assertion is corroborated by Valadares et al. (2022), who state that women must work much harder than men to demonstrate their competence in the workplace. Recent research conducted by the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF) (2023) revealed that sexist biases in large-scale mining may be preventing women from entering the mining industry. In Latin American countries, for example, the existence of sexist biases is reported as an impediment to women’s entry into the industry. The prevalence of macho attitudes and gendered division of labour both at work and at home are gender biases facing women in the workplace (IGF, 2022).

In addition to the aforementioned stereotypes, men’s resistance to women affects their integration into the industry (Salinas, 2013). For example, Matshingane (2017) reported that men treat women unequally, with some women saying that they felt unwelcome to work underground and were not taken seriously by supervisors. These perceptions perpetuate women’s exclusion and alienation and threatens their successful inclusion into the industry (Benya, 2009; Khoza, 2015; Ozkan & Beckton, 2012). As a result, the workplace cultures of the industry are viewed as barriers to the full integration of women, which diminishes the industry’s attraction and discourages women from pursuing a career in mining (Botha, 2014; Ledwaba, 2017; PwC, 2013).

Mine work is often viewed as physically demanding and may be jeopardised by adverse risks that can endanger employees’ health and safety (Botha & Cronjé, 2015). To eliminate such risks, the Mine Health and Safety Act (No. 29 of 1996) establishes the responsibility for protecting the health and safety of mining employees in South Africa. In addition, the Act also regulates the elimination or minimisation of risks associated with health and safety (RSA, 1996). Although health and safety are a concern for all employees in mining, women, particularly in core mining occupations such as those working underground, face additional health and safety risks compared to men (Botha & Cronjé). The health and safety issues that primarily affect women are attributed to their physical limitations, inappropriate personal protective equipment (PPE), sexual harassment and sexual violence.

Women are built differently from men anatomically, physiologically and biochemically (Mining Safety, 2021; Zungu, 2011). For example, women have smaller body masses, different fat compositions and hormonal processes than men (Mining Safety, 2021). Therefore, they tend to experience challenges different from men (Nkomo & Balfour, 2022). According to Botha and Cronjé (2015), women working in core mining positions are disadvantaged because of their inability to work long, strenuous and physically demanding work (specifically those requiring stamina and strength) associated with these positions, resulting in physiological strain.

Furthermore, several countries with mining economic activities have policies in place to address issues of sexual harassment in mines. Because of the toxic masculine and male-dominated culture of mining, physical and sexual harassment are still prevalent risks for women, despite the existence of policies (Nkomo & Balfour, 2022). According to Mining Safety (2021), sexual harassment is a common practice in South African mines. The harassment can be direct, such as the expression of crude or explicit jokes or refusal to accept authority from women. This observation is supported by Cooper et al. (2022), who discovered in their research that women in mining are still subjected to acts of gender-based violence and sexual harassment. In Canada, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada (2021) found that half of the women they had surveyed who worked in mining experienced multiple occasions of sexual harassment and violence in the workplace. Like South Africa, the most common of these harassments were in the form of ‘so-called jokes, unwanted touching and emotional abuse’ (Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada, 2021, p. 4). Moreover, the Australian Resources & Energy Group (2021) reported that Australia’s mining industry had a prevalence of 40% sexual harassment compared to the national prevalence of 33%. They stated that women were more likely to have been sexually harassed than men, with an estimated 74% of women experiencing workplace sexual harassment in the past 5 years compared to 32% for men.

The aforementioned challenges have created a negative image of the industry, leading to few women pursuing careers in it (Letlape, 2014; Sohn & Lee, 2008). Given that mining is a production-driven industry, these challenges can also have psychological effects on women, leading them to perceive themselves as incompetent and lacking the necessary skills to perform their work (Matshingane, 2017). Overall, these challenges are believed to play a significant role in hindering women from entering the mining industry (Botha, 2014).

Table 1 shows the sociodemographic results of the respondents. Although 282 respondents completed the questionnaire, some sections in the questionnaire were not entirely completed. Questionnaires containing sections that were uncomplete were not discarded but formed part of the dataset; only sections containing complete and useful information were retained.

The women who participated in the survey were employed in every province of South Africa, except the Eastern Cape. More than three-thirds of them (38.7%, n = 109) were working in the North-West province, and the least (1.4%; n = 4) were equally employed in the Free State and Western Cape, respectively. Their employment subsectors included cement, lime, aggregates and sand (CLAS), coal, diamond, gold and platinum group metals (PGMs) mining, diamond processing, jewellery manufacturing and other mining (mining of iron ore, chrome, manganese, copper, phosphates and salt). The PGM subsector had the highest employment representation (42.2%; n = 119), while diamond processing had the lowest (0.4%; n = 1).

Most of the respondents (45%; n = 127) were middle aged (30–39), followed by those between 20 and 29 years (32.3%; n = 91). About 80.1% (n = 220) collectively had a qualification higher than Grade 12. Most of them (20.9%; n = 59) had an honour’s degree, followed by an advanced diploma (16.3%; n = 46).

Most of the respondents (64.2%; n = 181) indicated that they had children, were not required to work night shifts (69.9%; n = 197) and worked on the surface (54.6%; n = 154). More than half of the respondents (51.4%; n = 145) reported that they were single. About a third (30.5%; n = 86) had worked for their organisations for the past 1–3 years, while a quarter (25.9%; n = 72) of them were involved in a work committee.

As mentioned in the instrumentation section, a modified EmpAt scale was used to establish factors associated with employee attraction. This was established using an exploratory factor analysis on 25 five-point Likert-scale items measuring employee attraction.

The sampling adequacy was confirmed by the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test, which yielded a measure of 0.930, which is greater than the recommended threshold of 0.7 (Child, 2006; Hair et al., 2010; Kaiser, 1974). Bartlett’s test of sphericity had a p-value below 0.05, signifying statistical significance. This showed sufficient correlation between statements for an exploratory factor analysis (Field, 2009).

Using Kaiser’s criteria, four factors were extracted (application and development value, interest value, economic value and social value), explaining 64.98% of the total variance (see Table 2).

All the statements on the four extracted factors loaded above 0.4. This exceeded the acceptable factor loading of above 0.30 (Field, 2009). According to Yong and Pearce (2013), the greater the factor, the more the variable contributes to the factor. All Cronbach alpha values for all four factors (0.827) were greater than the required threshold value of 0.7, demonstrating high levels of reliability and internal consistency.

The application and development value factor loaded nine items, with a factor mean of 4.174. The interest value factor loaded four items, with a factor mean of 4.179. The economic value factor loaded five items, with a factor mean of 4.173. With a factor mean of 4.180, the social value factor loaded seven items. These mean scores indicate that application and development, interest, economic and social values are all critical factors for attracting women to technical positions in mining.

Independent samples t-tests were conducted to ascertain the association between the requirement to work night shifts and having children and attraction. The research results are depicted in Table 3.

The results for the requirement to work night shifts showed statistically significant differences between the mean scores of the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ categories for two factors: social value (p = 0.00) and interest value (p = 0.02). Respondents who did not work night shifts scored higher on social value (M = 4.28) and interest value (M = 4.26) than those working night shifts (M = 3.98 and M = 3.93, respectively). The effect sizes (d = 0.36; 0.50) showed medium effects. This suggests that on average, respondents whose jobs did not require them to work night shifts regarded social and interest values as more imperative factors affecting the attraction of women to technical mining positions than those who had to work night shifts.

In addition, interest value showed statistically significant differences between the mean scores of respondents with and without children (p = 0.01). Respondents without children scored slightly higher (M = 4.34) on interest value than those with children (M = 4.09), showing a small effect size (d = 0.32). This shows that while both cohorts (those with and without children) scored a mean above 4, those without children regarded interest value as a slightly more important factor for attracting women to technical positions in mining than those with children.

Furthermore, an ANOVA test was conducted to determine the association between marital status and attraction. The results are shown in Table 4.

The ANOVA test revealed statistically significant results for application and development value (p = 0.02) and interest value (p = 0.01). The post hoc test using Tukey B revealed that none of the group means for marital status differed significantly from one another, as all groups fell within the same homogeneous subset. Furthermore, the omega-squared effect sizes were small. Therefore, it can be deduced that the marital status of women in technical mining positions did not affect their perceptions of attraction when considering a potential employer.

The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient was used to establish the linear association between attraction and age, highest level of education and length of employment in respondents’ positions within their organisations and in mining in general (Table 5).

The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient showed a small negative correlation between age and interest value (p-value = 0.013; r = −0.149), indicating that younger respondents placed greater importance on interest value than their older counterparts.

There were small positive correlations between highest qualification and application and development value (p-value = 0.02; r = 0.143), economic value (p-value = 0.02; r = 139) and interest value (p-value = 0.00; r = 0.251). It can be inferred that respondents with higher levels of education placed a greater value on application and development value, interest value and economic value as important employee attraction factors.

Small negative correlations were clear between the duration of employment in an employee’s organisation and application and development value (p-value = 0.003; r = −0.183), interest value (p-value = 0.002; r = −0.195) and economic value (p-value = 0.026; r = −0.138). This shows that the longer a respondent had been employed by their organisation, the less likely they were to view application and development value, interest value and economic value as important factors of employee attraction.

The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient was also used to determine the linear association between the four factors of attraction. The results are presented in Table 6.

The results of the Pearson’s product-moment correlation coefficient revealed large correlations, ranging between 0.559 and 0.719 (p-value = 0.000) between all four factors of attraction. This implies that the more respondents valued application and development value, the greater they valued interest, economic and social values as important and vice versa.

Table 7 shows the profile of employer representatives that participated in the study. Their profile is presented by the subsector in which they were employed and their occupation at the time of the study.

As stated previously, 11 employer representatives participated in the semi-structured interviews. Most of them (10) were human resources personnel and the other a rock engineer superintendent. Seven were employed in the PGMs subsector, three in other mining subsectors and one in the gold subsector.

According to Masenya (2018), the methodology used to establish validity and reliability in quantitative studies cannot be applied to qualitative studies. Rather, the quality of a qualitative study can be established through the implementation of a trustworthiness criterion consisting of three dimensions. The first dimension of this criterion is credibility (similar to internal validity), which relates to the extent to which research findings are credible. The second dimension is transferability (similar to external validity), which seeks to establish whether findings are applicable to other contexts. The third dimension is dependability (equivalent to reliability), that is, the likelihood that the research findings will apply in other situations (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, in Bryman, 2012). These dimensions of trustworthiness were taken into consideration when conducting qualitative research.

Moreover, to ensure reliability, as stated previously, all face-to-face and online interviews were audio-recorded with each participant’s consent. The recordings were supplemented by field notes that were taken during the interviews. The field notes were imperative, as they captured the researcher’s thoughts and interpretations while listening to the recordings. The recordings also helped reduce bias in data analysis by allowing the researcher to reflect on conversations held during the interviews, ensuring that accurate information was captured (Halcomb & Davidson, 2006). In addition, Santos et al. (2020) highlight the importance of triangulating data sources to develop an understandable justification of themes to further ensure reliability. In this study, qualitative data were triangulated with literature to provide more substantial support for recurring themes that emerged from the data.

The main themes derived from the qualitative data were as follows: (1) barriers to attraction; (2) measures implemented by mining organisations to ensure gender equality and (3) recommendations to attract women to technical positions. The research findings are supported by verbatim quotations from the research participants. For ethical purposes, verbatim quotes are presented with alpha numerals and subsectors (e.g., P1, PGMs [referring to participant 1, employed in PGMs]).

According to the majority of respondents (7 of 11), a lack of career awareness about occupations and qualifications in mining is the main barrier to attracting women to mining, particularly technical positions. It was highlighted that there are not enough career awareness initiatives exposing pupils (especially those at basic education level) to and educating them about careers in mining. Owing to limited career awareness, girls are typically unaware that they can infiltrate mining professions. Below are some comments illustrating these points:

The perception that minework is labour-intensive is an additional barrier to attracting women to technical mining positions. Mining jobs are perceived as ‘dirty jobs for women’. According to the research participants, women are apprehensive about performing strenuous labour. The image of mining externally, equipment and the actual work undertaken by miners can discourage individuals from pursuing careers in mining. Research participants described mining working conditions as generally unfavourable, especially for women who are not accustomed to working under such conductions. The following responses demonstrate these points:

Women’s attraction to technical mining positions is also affected by work-life balance. With mines operating 24 hours 7 days a week, with various work shifts, in addition to their work commitment, women are also burdened with domestic responsibilities, such as managing marital responsibilities or caring for their families. As a result of working shifts and ‘unfriendly working hours’, some women may reconsider working in the industry, as expressed below:

The research participants also mentioned that stereotypes about women’s inability to perform minework affect their attraction to mining. Men in the mining industry are reportedly sceptical of women’s abilities to adequately perform minework. To avoid jeopardising their own work, men are said to prefer assisting women with their work. This sentiment is expressed below:

Moreover, there are certain jobs – particularly those in underground mining – that can only be performed after passing medical tests, as they require medical fitness. This, too, is considered a barrier to attraction, as some women fail the medical tests. This point is illustrated below:

Most of the participants stated that their organisations had a Women in Mining Forum or a Gender Equality Forum in place. Such forums provide women with a channel to discuss matters affecting them. These matters are subsequently brought to the attention of management for remediation. Despite their positive role in the industry, the facilitation of forums in mines was criticised. The forums were criticised for their lack of visibility and sporadic meeting scheduling. However, forums were not completely responsible for this issue. One participant mentioned that the varying work shifts in mines affected the frequency of meetings, with most of them held during day shifts, excluding night shift employees by default. Taking these challenges into account, participants believed that it was necessary for women involved in these forums to develop solutions to address this issue. Furthermore, employer representatives stated that gender equality within their organisations was promoted through gender-inclusive recruitment processes. Recruitment processes are customised to attract more women to apply for listed job opportunities in the mining industry. The following comments demonstrate these points:

The employer representatives were asked to make recommendations regarding what they thought would attract women to technical positions in mining. Most of them recommended that given that there is low awareness of professions in mining, more career awareness initiatives should be implemented at early stages of learners’ schooling years to create awareness of careers in mining. Existing career awareness programmes were said to be limiting, as they mostly focus on conventional occupations, such as being a doctor, nurse, lawyer, etc. Because of this, girls are less exposed to careers in mining and unaware of opportunities available to them.

Participants also proposed that because of women’s low representation in the industry, more career growth opportunities should be provided to women who are already employed in the industry. They contended that more representation of women who resembled them would motivate even more women to pursue careers in technical fields. Prospects for career advancement should be discussed with and provided to women when they first enter the industry.

One participant stressed the value of providing competitive compensation packages, implementing nongender discriminatory job requirements and making it compulsory for mining organisations to recruit women into the industry. Mining companies should examine their recruitment policies to ensure that they do not discriminate against women and ensure that they are designed to attract more women to the industry. Women’s recruitment should be measured as a critical performance indicator for the organisation. Some of these recommendations were as follows: