The purpose of this study is to explore how immigrants make sense of their work experience, as informed by the taint that accompanies dirty work in the South African informal sector.

The objectives were:

Two theories are given focus in this study. Firstly, attention is given to intersectional theory (Crenshaw, 1989). Intersectional theory can be useful to understand the role of constraints in society and how these may impede upon individual career development and progression (Gouws, 2017). At the core of these constraints and their influence are the roles of gender, race and social class (Collins, 2015). The role of these attributes as interacting factors potentially imposes a layer of complexity on the lived experience of the individual (Bright et al., 2016). Secondly, consideration is the vocational anticipatory socialisation (VAS) theory (Myers et al., 2011). The VAS assists in providing a frame of understanding around how socially embedded prevailing beliefs can influence individual experiences of work. Noteworthy from this is an understanding of how the individual frames a response to such beliefs (Myers et al., 2011). How such experiences of work and prevailing societal beliefs affect individual self-concept forms a key tenet of social identity theory (Turner, 1975).

There is a noted increase in the number of African immigrants moving to South Africa (Harry et al., 2019). Most of these immigrants choose to work within the informal sector (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018) because of high entry barriers within the formal sector (Chimucheka et al., 2019). Further, African immigrants are often perceived as less valuable than South African residents (Chinomona & Maziriri, 2015; Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018). African immigrants usually turn to the informal sector, serving as entrepreneurs (Fatoki & Patswawairi, 2012). Some critique this contribution as being merely survivalist in nature (Muchineripi et al., 2019), yet it has an essential personal contribution (Chimucheka et al., 2019; Muchineripi et al., 2022).

Dirty work in South Africa is often viewed as reserved for unskilled and uneducated people (Broussard, 2017). Dirty work is usually attractive in South Africa within the informal sector (Shava & Chinyamurindi, 2019). The informal sector is deemed an essential feeder to the formal sector (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018). Studies note that African immigrants’ transition experience in the informal sector is tough because of a lack of finances and challenges in adjusting to a new environment (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018; Fatoki & Patswawairi, 2012). A great source of this challenge often emanates from the environment, particularly in dealing with residents (Chinomona & Maziriri, 2015), who are usually a source of stigma (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018). This often leads African immigrants working within the dirty work sector to depend on their social networks to assist in dealing with the challenges they face (Chimucheka et al., 2019).

There is an acknowledgement that individuals engaged in dirty work experience stigma (Ashforth & Kreiner, 2014; Ashforth et al., 2007; Hughes, 1958). Such stigma is noted to be enduring (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999), with the potential to cause harm to the individual (Ashforth et al., 2017; Slutskaya et al., 2018). Ultimately, those who stay in dirty work jobs are believed to continually face negative attributes and require support to handle such stigma (Blithe & Wolfe, 2017; Zhang et al., 2023). Conversely, there is a need to challenge such negative attributes to help the individual frame a positive perception of dirty work (Eds. Inzlicht & Schmader, 2012). Given the importance of dirty work, especially within developing nations such as South Africa, such efforts are needed (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018; Shava & Chinyamurindi, 2019).

With the need to understand how stigma occurs, its role in the experience and context of work becomes important (Berkelaar et al., 2012). At play here could also be a sense of identity that informs how an individual not only understands their role and contribution to work but also their life in general (Harrison & Nurmohamed, 2023; Nicholls & Rice, 2017). Further, stigma within dirty work may play a dual role, which is both positive and negative (Slutskaya et al., 2018). Strategies are needed on how to manage such stigma, as argued within Goffman’s (1963) theory on social stigma (Simpson & Simpson, 2018). This gives focus on the need to understand coping strategies with dirty work stigma.

Some strategies are proposed for coping with the stigma of dirty work. Coping strategies are responses at an individual, organisational and community level used to manage aspects related to stigma (Yang, 2021; Zhang et al., 2023). A range of strategies can be used as coping mechanisms. Inzlicht and Schmader (Eds., 2012) note the role of grouping as a potential coping mechanism for the challenges faced by those engaged in dirty work. For African immigrants, a stigma-related event may not be perceived as stressful if the stigmatised person has the adaptive resources to cope with the potential stressor (Zhang et al., 2023). One such way to cope could be relying on group affiliation and using this to cope with stigma (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018). Some adaptive resources are psychological, behavioural, economic, educational or social (Simpson & Simpson, 2018; Simpson et al., 2016).

In Ashforth et al.’s (2007) view regarding social resources, dirty workers can address stigma threats by relying on social buffers that may provide social support to insulate them against societal derogations. Thus, social buffers may contribute, create and provide a safe environment for minimising or coping with stigma threats and impact (Simpson et al., 2016). Such a situation may create a heavy reliance on others’ validation to affirm the social worth of a dirty worker’s identity (Bosmans et al., 2016; Maynard-Moody & Mushene, 2003).

Maynard and Mushene (2003) argue that social validation is highly problematic for immigrants in many dirty work occupations. An explanation for this could be the absence of positive validation from social buffers, which may cause those in stigmatised occupations to have contradictory ideas about their work and businesses (Kreiner et al., 2006). This denial may lead to the use of defensive tactics (Ashforth et al., 2007). Hence, while positive social validation from social buffers may lead to approval, negative validation may make dirty workers feel a sense of guilt, shame and low self-esteem (Hardy & Thomas, 2015; Petriglieri, 2011; Simpson et al., 2016).

Various general stigma-coping strategies have been identified for dirty workers (Simpson et al., 2016), often resulting in both positive and negative responses to stigma. Also, dirty work negativity can be neutralised by drawing on occupational ideologies that include ‘reframing’, whereby work is infused with positive values, and ‘refocusing’, which involves an emphasis on the non-stigmatised aspects of the job (Ashforth et al., 2007; Hughes et al., 2017). This international experience thus far offers valuable insight (Zhang et al., 2023). It might be interesting to ascertain from an African experience whether these presented experiences and the theorising are similar.

This study adopted a qualitative research approach. This approach was based on the ideals espoused in phenomenology and aimed at understanding subjective lived experiences (Cohen et al., 2011). The researchers relied on narrative inquiry to not only understand but also explore the experience of stigma within dirty work. Further, the aim was to understand the response to the experience of stigma within dirty work amongst immigrants operating within the informal sector.

An in-depth semi-structured interview strategy was used to collect data. An interview schedule with open-ended questions was developed for the interviews (see Appendix 1 for a list of questions). The schedule was piloted with three African immigrants with similar characteristics to those of the participants and was further reviewed by experts in the validation process. Probing was done using questions such as ‘Why or why not?’ and ‘Can you please explain more?’, as suggested in the literature (Cohen et al., 2011). This process generated narratives based on participant stories and probing, allowing participants to reflect deeply on their lived experiences regarding dirty work and the processes that accompany such experiences (Chinyamurindi, 2016a; Lyons et al., 2012). After the ethical clearance certificate had been obtained from the university’s Ethics Committee, consent forms and letters were issued to the participants explaining their rights and responsibilities in participating in the research (Miles et al., 2014).

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the University of Fort Hare Institutional Faculty Research Ethics Committee (No.REC-270710-028-RA Level 01). A range of strategies was taken to ensure ethical principles were adhered to for this study. Firstly, the research team applied for ethical clearance from the participating university, where the researchers are based, the University of Fort Hare. Secondly, the research team ensured that all participants in the study had to give informed consent and were informed of their rights to participate in the study. Thirdly, pseudonyms were used to protect the participants in the study. Fourthly, all interviews were conducted with permission from the participants in areas they deemed to be safe and conducive.

This narrative theme explores how dirty work taint is perceived and experienced by African migrants and immigrants working in the informal sector. A significant portion of the study’s participants (85%) reported that their work was associated with negative social judgements, largely shaped by the physical and symbolic attributes of their occupations, seen as dirty, demeaning and socially unacceptable.

Participants shared how these perceptions are not only externally imposed by community members and customers but are also internalised, shaping their day-to-day experiences, social interactions and sense of self-worth.

Shan (33 years old, from Zimbabwe), who worked in rubble removal, described how societal perceptions of his work impacted both his occupational identity and social status:

Shan’s account reveals the symbolic degradation associated with dirty work, where tasks involving waste or sanitation are considered not only physically unclean but also morally and socially inferior. The stigma is compounded for immigrants like Shan, who are perceived as lacking skills or legitimacy, further reinforcing exclusionary attitudes and practices.

Mohammed (44 years old, from Nigeria), a plumber, highlighted how cultural taboos and health-related fears contribute to the marginalisation of certain types of labour:

Mohammed’s experience illustrates how cultural norms around cleanliness, masculinity and health intersect with occupational roles to exacerbate the dirty work taint. The choice to engage in such work, despite its taboo nature, is not only economically motivated but also reflects a resistance to normative constraints, even as it opens workers up to further stigmatisation.

Across these narratives, participants expressed that dirty work in the informal sector is widely viewed as inferior, unpleasant and unskilled, which leads to workers being undervalued, ridiculed or socially excluded. For many, the foreign status of the worker adds a layer of xenophobic sentiment, reinforcing the perception that such jobs are only fit for outsiders or those without better options. The participant accounts underscore how dirty work taint is both a symbolic and material reality, shaping how work is perceived, how workers are treated and how they come to view themselves.

As presented in Box 1, additional participant quotations provide further insight into how these negative perceptions manifest and influence the daily work experience.

Narrative finding two revealed how experiences of stigmatisation deeply impacted the psychological well-being of migrant and immigrant workers engaged in dirty work within the informal sector. Participants consistently reported that negative societal attitudes toward their work led to mental strain, diminished self-worth and in some cases, thoughts of abandoning their trades altogether.

Amon (38 years old, from Zimbabwe), previously employed as a chef before migrating, shared the internal turmoil and social judgement he faced in his current occupation as a tree feller and cartage worker:

Amon’s narrative illustrates how social devaluation of the occupation leads to self-doubt and emotional fatigue. The juxtaposition between his past professional identity and the stigma of his current work fuels a crisis of identity and purpose, which is a recurring theme among participants.

Similarly, Isaac (43 years old, from Ghana), who transitioned from a store manager in Ghana to a vulcaniser in South Africa, explained how public perception framed his work as shameful or criminal:

Isaac’s experience reflects the symbolic contamination associated with dirty work (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999), where physical appearance and occupational role invite prejudiced assumptions about one’s intelligence, character or social value. This leads to a form of social exclusion that has tangible psychological effects.

Jolyn (37 years old, from Ghana), who works in a hair salon, offered insight into how dirty work stigma intersects with gendered expectations and xenophobic undertones:

Jolyn’s testimony highlights how intersectional stigma – based on occupation, nationality and gender – exacerbates feelings of inferiority and isolation. The contradiction between being blamed for taking jobs while also being ridiculed for doing ‘undesirable’ work reveals the paradox of immigrant taint in dirty work.

Joseph (37 years old, from Mozambique) reinforced the mental toll of occupying this stigmatised space, particularly under the gaze of both poverty and foreigner status:

Joseph’s statement reveals how occupational stigma and xenophobia compound, creating a dual burden of external judgement and internalised distress. His reflection shows the complex emotional labour involved in maintaining dignity while navigating daily indignities.

Participants in this study consistently highlighted the mental strain linked to the social devaluation of their work. These accounts confirm that dirty work stigma is not only externally imposed but also internally absorbed, undermining positive identity formation and contributing to anxiety, sadness and feelings of worthlessness.

Box 2 presents additional participant quotations that deepen and support this narrative finding.

Participants narrated the enactment of agentic proactive behaviours as critical in managing both the external stigma imposed by society and the internal mental strain associated with performing dirty work. These behaviours included emotional regulation, self-presentation and identity-reframing strategies to challenge stereotypes and reassert their dignity.

Patricia (43 years old, from Ghana), a passionate professional in the hair business, illustrated how she actively manages her response to perceived disrespect by customers:

Patricia’s response reflects a dual strategy: emotional self-regulation and cognitive reframing. Instead of retaliating or internalising the stigma, she makes a conscious effort to project competence and intelligence, reclaiming agency and respect in a work context often perceived as low status.

Daniel (40 years old, from Ghana) similarly described an intentional and educative approach to navigating the emotional toll of taint:

Daniel’s approach is a form of proactive storytelling, a technique that not only humanises him to his clients but also allows him to rewrite the narrative of his work identity in a more empowered light. Through sharing his journey and aspirations, he reframes his work as a temporary step in a longer developmental trajectory, rather than a final, degraded status.

Kennit (41 years old, from Ghana) reinforced the theme of self-education and peer support as coping mechanisms in the face of early disillusionment:

Kennit’s narrative shows how emotional labour and peer mentorship serve as critical buffers against mental strain. By choosing not to internalise negative perceptions and instead finding solidarity and support from a mentor, he was able to recenter his focus on the craft of his work. His humour and selective disengagement reflect sophisticated coping strategies that prevent burnout and identity erosion.

The presented narratives underscore the agentic and resilient responses adopted by workers engaged in tainted occupations. Through emotional regulation, proactive self-presentation and peer-supported coping, they resist the internalisation of stigma and reclaim professional dignity.

Box 3 further elaborates on these strategies through additional participant quotations.

From the narrative quotes in Box 3, there is evidence of the enactment of agentic proactive behaviours to counter stigmatisation and respond to mental strain in dirty work, primarily within the informal sector.

Based on the research findings, the study holds important implications. Firstly, understanding the issues identified in this research can be a valuable precursor to support activities that may assist dirty workers, albeit with their challenges (Cobbinah & Chinyamurindi, 2018). Secondly, the findings can also assist career counsellors in developing interventions that help in the career development of immigrants and dirty workers. The aspect of the mental strain that comes with dirty work can be helpful in informing targeted responses to assist those engaged in dirty work. Thirdly, given the popularity of dirty work among African immigrants, this study’s findings can be helpful in advising on the post-settlement processes immigrants go through (Muchineripi et al., 2022).

A central insight emerging from the findings of this study is around the importance of intersectionality in understanding how stigma is not only experienced but also managed in dirty work. While existing scholarships are mostly framed within Global North countries, this study gives a Global South perspective. Through the findings of this study, notions from the Global North as an occupation are challenged. The findings of this study magnify dirty work as part of a context of informality that is complexly mediated through the experience of immigration status, gender, class and race. This intersectional framing, as illustrated by the findings of this study, shows stigma to be linked to the job, who is doing the job and under what conditions. The response by the immigrants to these conditions shows how agency operates at the intersection of multiple social disadvantages (Rabelo & Mahalingam, 2019; Zhang et al., 2023).

To this end, this research places value on the need to understand dirty work within a Global South lens and the need to take intersectionality as a crucial aspect of this understanding. This study’s originality lies in centring those complexities and highlighting how the management of stigma in dirty work is shaped not only by occupation but by broader structures of inequality and identity. These insights have the potential to reshape theoretical understandings of dirty work and contribute to more contextually grounded global perspectives.

This study presents certain limitations that need to be acknowledged. Firstly, the findings are context-specific, derived from a purposive-convenience sample of 27 African immigrants engaged in dirty work within the informal sector of East London, South Africa. As such, caution must be exercised when generalising these findings beyond the specific geographic, cultural and occupational settings. Further, given the sensitive nature of the study, we acknowledge the inherent power dynamics that are associated with research of this kind.

However, consistent with Barnard’s (2020) argument that Africa’s extreme conditions often offer deeper insights into globally relevant phenomena, the experiences documented in this study, particularly those concerning stigma, mental strain and agentic responses, may resonate across other under-researched and informal work contexts in the Global South. This could be an angle for future research to be explored. Further, dirty work and migration are indeed ubiquitous across developing economies, and while this study is grounded in a specific locale, the underlying mechanisms of stigma management and identity negotiation may well be transferable to similar socio-economic environments.

Secondly, the focus on informal sector occupations with relatively low prestige excludes other forms of dirty work in both informal and formal sectors. Future research could expand the scope to include diverse occupations and regional contexts to deepen understanding of stigma dynamics and coping strategies. Thirdly, the cross-sectional nature of the study provides a snapshot of participants’ lived experiences but does not capture the evolution of these experiences over time. Longitudinal research could provide greater insight into how stigma is internalised or resisted, and how coping strategies adapt over time. Additionally, future research could incorporate comparative designs. Ultimately, this study affirms Barnard’s (2020) call for African scholars to trust the value of what they see in their contexts. When underpinned by rigorous methods and rich contextual description, such research contributes both to local relevance and to the enrichment of global scholarship. Future research could also focus on one sector of the dirty work context, which will help account for the many context variations present in this study.