Research purpose: A dual-process model of diversity outcomes was tested in which a distinction is made between a positive (work-related) stream that links positive diversity conditions through active coping to work outcomes and a relatively independent (health-related) stream of negative antecedents, mediating passive coping skills and ill-health related outcomes

Motivation for the study: To test the viability of a dual-process model to understand diversity outcomes in the workplace.

Research design, approach and methods: A convenience sample (n = 158) was recruited from members of the SAPS in Gauteng, using a cross-sectional design. Instruments used in previous acculturation research were adapted to measure contextual factors, coping and diversity outcomes.

Main findings: A very good fit for the proposed hypothetical model was found. Approach coping partially mediated the relationship between positive acculturation conditions and the subjective experience of work success whereas avoidance coping fully mediated the relationship between discrimination, and ill-health symptoms are related to ill-health symptoms.

Practical/managerial implications: Mainstream-facilitating conditions and discrimination influence individual coping styles, which in turn impact on ill-health and the subjective experience of work success. In addition, ill-health also impacts negatively on work-success experiences amongst the sampled SAPS members. It would thus make sense for the SAPS to sanction discrimination.

Contribution/value added: A variation of the mediated dual-process model for diversity (Jackson & Van de Vijver, in press), using coping strategies as mediators was supported. The model adds new insights in diversity in organisations.

South Africa has a long history of discrimination, but the dawn of the democratic dispensation after 1994 saw the introduction of a number of initiatives aimed at addressing past injustices such the use of affirmative action practices in appointments and promotions in especially the private sector. The introduction of these practices unfortunately also led to newspaper headlines such as ‘Whites not truly welcome’, ‘Union challenges prisons AA police’, ‘Solidarity in new affirmative action case’ and ‘Union goes to court over AA’. Two decades after the first democratic elections, South Africans are still struggling with intercultural contact, especially in the workplace. Dynamics involved in intercultural contact or interaction are issues typically covered in diversity and acculturation studies.

The primary objective of this research was to explore the impact of acculturation context and individual variables on diversity outcomes of SAPS members. Theoretical models of acculturation that have been developed in cross-cultural psychology are employed. The core constructs of the study are constituted by positive or facilitating acculturation context variables and discrimination or a restraining acculturation contextual variable as antecedent variables, approach and avoidance coping strategies as intervening variables and subjective work success and ill-health symptoms as outcome variables.

The present research makes use of the above frameworks of acculturation to explain the experience of diversity in the SAPS. The discussion of antecedent, intervening and outcome variables are restricted to those that were deemed relevant for understanding diversity in SAPS and that were addressed in the present study. It is argued that Acculturation and multiculturalism are fruitful frameworks to study diversity in South Africa because extant concepts and models of intercultural contact and acculturation can be used to describe intercultural contact and acculturation and the SAPS’s organisational culture and to understand the structure and dynamics of multicultural teams in SAPS.

Psychological research (e.g. Breugelmans & Van de Vijver, 2004) shows that, in as much as a multicultural ideology is perceived as a solution for managing plural societies, support for it should not be taken for granted and differs between both individuals and ethnic groups. Minorities, that stand to gain from this policy, are usually more supportive than the majority or dominant group; the latter may see these polices as a threat to their dominant position. Support for multiculturalism is negatively related to ethnocentrism, perceived ethnic threat, intergroup competition, exclusion of immigrants in the larger society (Citrin, Sears, Mutse & Wong, 2001; Raijman, Semyonov & Schmidt, 2003; Semyonov, Raijman, Tov & Schmidt, 2004; Verkuyten, 2005; Verkuyten & Brug, 2004) and preference for ethnic integration strategies, work success and the reduction of ill-health symptoms in the workplace (Jackson, Van de Vijver & Ali, 2012).

... prohibits unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth (RSA, 1996, p.3).

Many previously advantaged members perceive measures like affirmative action that are aimed at enhancing the position of previously disadvantaged groups as reverse discrimination (Herman, 2000). The extensive use of affirmative action in promotions in especially the public sector has recently seen an increase in discrimination cases against state departments such as SAPS, especially by White people, Indian people and Coloured people. The experience of discrimination may have short or long-term consequences for the victims.

The effects of perceived discrimination on well-being include psychological effects such as higher stress levels, anxiety and depression (Huynh, Devos & Dunbar, 2012; Noh & Kaspar, 2003). Work-related consequences of perceived discrimination include increased absenteeism and lower productivity (Abbas, Hameed & Waheed, 2011), job dissatisfaction (Channar, Abbassi & Ujan, 2011), reduced organisational commitment (Channar et al., 2011; Goldman, Slaughter, Schmit, Wiley & Brooks, 2008), reduced organisational citizenship behaviour (Ensher, Grant-Vallone & Donaldson, 2001) and turnover intensions (Goldman et al., 2008). Discrimination in the workplace is also negatively associated with work success and positively related to subtle racism, segregation demands and symptoms of ill health (Jackson et al., 2011). All of these may have severe consequences for the continued existence of the organisation.

Ethnic vitality can be regarded as a feature of social capital. In this study, the concept of ethnic vitality refers to ethnic institutions that can support the acculturation process such as the availability of places of worship, shops, recreational opportunities and educational resources (e.g. Adelman, 1988; Malewska-Peyre, 1982). Being psychologically close and sharing more or less the same acculturation experiences, members of the same minority could be very useful in providing social networks for support and expertise about how to deal with the dominant culture. A minority that is vital and supportive acts as both springboard from which minority individuals can deal with the mainstream culture, which is seen in the positive effect on relationships and work success, and as a safety net that provides support to deal with negative acculturation experiences, which is done indirectly via relationships with co-ethnics. There is a controversy, though, as to the role of ethnically vital pockets (Ait Ouarasse, 2004). It is thought that, although ethnic gatherings have the potential to provide a source of help and an opportunity for ventilating feelings, they also can dissociate minority members from engagement in the mainstream context and impede integration (Richardson, 1974).

Social support networks have a direct positive effect on immigrants’ adjustment (Leong & Ward, 2011). In addition, the effect of social support has been shown to depend on the stress level but to be much less beneficial to well-being in the absence of stress (Komproe, Rijken, Ros, Winnubst & Hart, 1997). Social support may enhance the well-being especially when individuals perceive much discrimination. Experiences of discrimination in an acculturation context are exacerbated when support networks are limited or lacking (Finch & Vega, 2003; Jasinskaja-Lahti & Liebkind, 2001; Noh & Kaspar, 2003). Relationships with hosts showed positive links with mainstream integration, mainstream tolerance, perceived minority vitality and school and work success (Ait Ouarasse & Van de Vijver, 2004). Little is known about the role of ethnic vitality and social support in the acculturation process in the South African workplace.

The use of transactional models of stress represents real progress in that it permits better explanations of the variety of responses when encountering discrimination and prejudice as well as the effect of discrimination and prejudice on self-esteem and other adjustment related variables (Major, McCoy, Kaiser & Quinton, 2003). It also highlights the fact that people are not passive when confronted with discrimination and that individual and situational factors interact to create a specific appraisal of the situation and stimulate specific coping strategies. However, studies that tried to test or directly apply transactional models of stress often failed to show adequate results (Berjot & Gillet, 2011). Barnes and Lightsey Jr. (2005) asked college students to indicate a measure of perceived racism, coping and perceived stress, and they found that, when people perceive discrimination, it is stressful. However, the perception of discrimination did not predict coping, and coping did not moderate the effect of discrimination on stress. Other authors tried to test the transactional model of stress for the study of stereotype threat. The results of Berjot, Girault-Lidvan, Scharnitsky and Gillet (2010) revealed that stereotype threat enhances the use of emotion-focused strategies and decreases the use of problem-focused strategies. Still, the transactional model of stress failed to explain the whole process by which performance decreases for threatened individuals (Berjot & Gillet, 2011). It can be concluded that the role of coping as mediating between antecedent variables and outcomes has a better theoretical than empirical underpinning in the context of acculturation.

In their dual-process model for acculturation outcomes, Jackson and Van de Vijver (in press) propose that, in the negative stream, acculturation demands or inhibiting intergroup features such as discrimination are related to a (passive) avoidance coping style which mediates the relationship between discrimination and ill-health. Similarly, in the positive stream, acculturation resources or facilitating intergroup features such as a multicultural climate, tolerance of mainstreamers, ethnic vitality and social support are related to an (active) approach coping style which mediates the relationship between positive acculturation conditions and subjective experiences of work success.

In the dual-process model, the positive and negative streams operate in a relatively independent manner. The negative stream is particularly salient for creating conditions for ill-health whilst the positive stream is salient for creating conditions for positive outcomes regarding work. The negative stream deals with the prerequisites of positive outcomes. This argument draws on positive psychology where health is seen as not just the absence of disease but also the presence of positive aspects such as well-being. Analogously, in the model, an organisation can only be successful in dealing with diversity if scores on instruments in the negative stream are low and scores in the positive stream are high. The absence of negative factors, such as discrimination, is a prerequisite for positive outcomes regarding work. Such outcomes also require the presence of factors that are conducive for diversity such as respect for all ethnicities in an organisation.

The underlying idea is that positive and negative streams constitute the major lines of causation and that relationships within a stream are much stronger than relationships across streams. ‘Crossover relationships’ in the model (i.e. associations between the positive and negative stream) are much weaker than the relationships within each of the streams, and there are no direct crossover relationships between positive antecedents and negative mediators and between negative antecedents and positive mediators. Similarly, there should be no direct relationship between a negative antecedent or mediator and a positive outcome. Crossover relationships can only occur within a single layer; for example, positive and negative antecedents may be correlated. Based on the above-mentioned, the following hypotheses are tested in the current study:

• Hypothesis 1: perceived positive and facilitating acculturation conditions and approach coping are positively related to subjective experiences of work success and constitute a positive or motivational stream.

• Hypothesis 2: discrimination, avoidance coping and ill-health symptoms are positively related and constitute a negative or restraining stream or health-erosion pathway.

• Hypothesis 3: approach coping mediates the relationship between positive acculturation conditions and subjective experience of work success.

• Hypothesis 4: avoidance coping mediates the relationship between discrimination and ill-health symptoms.

• Multicultural norms (developed for the study by the researchers involved). This is a 13-item measure of the participants’ multiculturalism attitudes and the prevalence of multicultural values within organisation. The scale contains items like ‘I think that most of my co-workers do not recognise that we are a workforce that consists of groups from different cultural groups’ (reverse scored).

• Tolerance by the mainstream (adaptation from Ait Ouarasse & Van de Vijver, 2004). This is an eight-item measure of the extent to which participants think that mainstream members take an open stance toward the ethnic minority in the South African workplace. Tolerance is the desire on the part of the mainstream to see the minority members actively involved in public life without necessarily dropping their original culture. The scale contains items like ‘I think that most of my co-workers from other cultures are most welcoming people’.

• Multicultural practices. This new instrument is a 13-item measure of the participants’ actual multicultural behaviour and support for multicultural practices within the organisation. The scale contains items like ‘My co-workers generally show respect other cultures in our organisation’.

• Perceived discrimination (Ait Ouarasse & Van de Vijver, 2004). The scale is an 11-item measure of the extent to which participants think that pressure is exerted on minorities to comply fully with the regulations and the general atmosphere regardless of whether these regulations encroach on minority sensitivities. The scale contains items like ‘I experience discrimination in the dormitory’.

• Perceived ethnic vitality (adaptation from Ait Ouarasse, 2004). This is a six-item measure of the extent to which participants think their own ethnic group has succeeded in creating an infrastructure for the provision of services of a secular and recreational nature. The scale contains items like ‘Social functions at work make provision for my cultural customs and habits (e.g. music, food, etc.)’.

• Co-ethnic social support at work (adaptation from Ait Ouarasse & Van de Vijver, 2004). This is a six-item measure of the amount of perceived support, assistance and protection available from c-ethnic members in the workplace. The scale contains items like ‘I can count on the help of my cultural group members in our organisation’.

• Coping skills were measured with the 33-item coping strategy indicator (Amirkhan 1990). The scale measures three types of coping strategies: problem solving, seeking social support and avoidance. Participants were asked to imagine themselves in a period when they experienced a serious problem and to indicate how they dealt with it (indicating agreement or disagreement with possible reactions).

• Health: This is an adapted version of the 18 physical health symptoms of the PSI of Spector and Jex (1998), complemented with a list of nine common psychological complaints based on a slightly modified version of the World Health Organization’s Cross-National Survey of Psychological and Somatic Symptoms (World Health Organization, 1988). The scale employs a frequency format that ranges from never (1) to every day (5). The self-report measure asks respondents to indicate whether or not, in the past three months, they have suffered from any of the mentioned symptoms. Some examples of symptoms included in the scale are headaches, backache, fatigue, eyestrain and trouble sleeping, concentrating and constant anxiety or panic attacks.

• Work success (Ait Ouarasse & Van de Vijver, 2004). This is a 14-item measure of participants’ self-reported success at work. All of the items are positively phrased. It contains items pertaining to task completion, punctuality, status, recognition at work, relationships with supervisors and relationships with fellow workers. The scale contains items like ‘I do my work exactly as instructed by my supervisor’ and ‘I have a good reputation amongst my co-workers’.

A biographical questionnaire is included in order to be able to describe the population. It includes basic biographical questions like age, sex, first language, and experience. Research procedure
The Strategic Management Services of the SAPS in Pretoria gave permission to carry out the project. English questionnaires with the letter of permission from the Strategic Management Services of the SAPS and a letter emphasising the voluntary and anonyms nature of the study were distributed to police units or departments in Gauteng at various SAPS offices in the Pretoria area.

FIGURE 1: The results of the structural equation model analysis of the dualprocess model.

The standardised coefficients of Figure 1 also indicate that the path from discrimination via avoidance coping to ill-health had a fair standardised regression weight (0.39), as did the path from positive conditions via approach coping to subjective work success (0.37). The proportion of variance explained in subjective work success (0.21) was comparable to that of ill-health (0.18). The direct path from discrimination to ill-health was statistically non-significant whilst the path from ill-health to work success was negative and bordered on significance (p < 0.06).

An inspection of Table 3 indicates that, in line with observations from Figure 1, positive conditions had total, direct and indirect effects on subjective experience on work success but not on ill-health symptoms. In addition, the significance of both the direct and indirect effects indicates that the link with subjective work success is partially mediated by approach coping. Positive-antecedent conditions have, therefore, a salient influence on the subjective experience of work success. Direct and indirect effects were all positive and reinforced each other, as expected in the dual-process model. It can be concluded that approach coping partially mediates the path from positive acculturation conditions to socio-cultural adjustment and that multiculturalism, ethnic vitality and social support are important for the experience of subjective work success but not for ill-health symptoms in the SAPS employees of this sample. Discrimination had only significant total and indirect effects on ill-health symptoms. It can therefore also be concluded that avoidance coping fully mediates the relationship between discrimination and ill-health symptoms and that discrimination and avoidance coping matter for ill-health symptoms for members for members in the SAPS of this sample.

The second objective of the study was to determine the mediating effects of approach and avoidance coping styles in the relationship between positive or facilitating acculturation conditions, discrimination and subjective experience of work success and ill-health, respectively. These findings indicate that positive conditions had total, direct and indirect effects on the subjective experience of work success but not on ill-health symptoms. Positive antecedent conditions therefore have a significant direct and indirect influence on the subjective experience of work success. It can be concluded that approach coping partially mediates the path from positive acculturation conditions to socio-cultural adjustment and that multiculturalism, ethnic vitality and social support are important for the experience of subjective work success whilst avoidance coping only fully mediates the relationship between discrimination and ill-health symptoms in the SAPS sample. These results provide support for the acceptance of Hypothesis 3 and Hypotheses 4 and confirm that an approach-coping style or problem-focused strategies are active problem-solving methods used to resolve the stressful relationship between the self and the environment (Compas et al., 2001). The present findings also concur with the results obtained by Ward and Kennedy (2001) that the most powerful predictor of poor psychological adjustment is an avoidant coping style. It has been argued that avoidant responses may have some utility during primary appraisal by temporarily distancing the individual from an overwhelming stressor (Carver, Scheier & Weintraub, 1989). However, distancing behaviour cannot be sustained for long periods where forced contact takes place such as in the workplace. This finding is also supported by Chataway and Berry’s (1989) findings, who found that detachment is associated with increased psychological distress.

The implications of the present results are that mainstream and ethnic positive or facilitating conditions and discrimination are important for and do influence individual coping styles, which in turn impact on ill-health as well as the experience of work success. In addition, ill-health also impacted negatively on work success experiences amongst the sampled SAPS members. It therefore would make sense for higher-ranking officers in the SAPS to sanction discrimination and monitor positive conditions and also reward behaviour associated with positive conditions in order to encourage SAPS members to treat colleagues from different ethnic backgrounds in a fashion that enhances the experiences of positive or facilitating conditions such as multiculturalism and tolerance as well as to provide social support to own ethnic members. Taking measures to curb discrimination is expected to increase the wellness of employees at work, whilst stimulating diversity conditions, can be expected to lead to more positive work-related outcomes. Both positive and negative diversity conditions can be influenced by institutional policies. Thus, diversity training could be considered to be a focus on basic awareness of differences, skills for dealing with differences and cultural competence. Most organisations focus on awareness during the initial training session. This helps participants to understand their own biases and values and to obtain a better understanding of other people’s perspective, helping to build empathy and increasing intercultural communication in a diverse group of employees. Skills building should start with managers and senior staff but should ultimately be extended to employees as well. The training should be focused on developing an organisation that is inclusive with regard to ethnicity and where adverse practices like discrimination are clearly sanctioned. This approach is most effective following an initial awareness-training programme (Kay & Stringer, 2003). It is advised that this training should be experiential in nature, meaning that real organisational incidents should be simulated, or relevant case studies and videos should be utilised as teaching aids to increase the effectiveness of the training (Tan, Morris & Romero, 2003). In addition, the policies related to diversity issues should be transparent and accessible for all, and the content thereof should be discussed, reviewed and updated so that workshop contents reflect current realities and employees are aware of the institutional agenda vis-à-vis diversity.

Intergroup contact in SAPS creates opportunities for people of different backgrounds to understand and appreciate members of other groups (Leong & Ward, 2011), has the potential to reduce intergroup prejudices, disconfirms negative stereotypes, enhances knowledge of the out-group and reduces interpersonal anxiety (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006; Sakalli & Ugurlu, 2001; Voci & Hewstone, 2003; Wagner, Hewstone & Machleit, 1989). It is regrettable that the South African society is so strongly segregated, which implies that interethnic contact is relatively sparse outside of the work context, even though such contact would foster intergroup relationships in the interpersonal and work sphere.

Experiences in various countries with positive discrimination are not always encouraging. It is relatively common to find resistance against positive discrimination by groups that are no longer favoured. This also constitutes a potential risk for South Africa, as there are indications that feelings of discrimination can now be observed in all ethnic groups.

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