Due to the physicality of mine work, many jobs require a high degree of physical strength and endurance. Some of the work tasks are difficult to perform due to the physical differences that exist between women and men (Wynn, 2001, p. 33). The gender-related differences listed below should be considered (Van Aardt, Bendeman, Christie, Gazi & Schutte, 2008, p. 22).

Physical work capacity: Women experience significantly more physiological strain than men when performing mining tasks (Schutte, Edwards & Milanzi, 2012, p. 3). The aerobic capacity (physical work capacity) of women is typically 15% – 30% below the values of their male counterparts (Schutte et al., 2012, p. 3). Aerobic capacity refers to the maximal oxygen uptake that provides a quantitative measure of a person’s ability to sustain high-intensity physical work for longer than 5 minutes (Ashworth, Molapo, Molefe, Schutte & Zitha, 2004, p. 34). This means that women work closer to their aerobic capacity than men and are therefore more likely to become fatigued. Fatigue is operationally defined as the ‘reduced muscular ability to continue an existing effort’ (Ashworth et al., 2004, p. 34). High levels of fatigue can cause reduced performance and productivity in the workplace and increase the risk of accidents and injuries occurring (Schutte, 2010, p. 54).

Mine work also requires manual handling of equipment and tools. These equipment and tools are designed to accommodate the size and strength of men (Zungu, 2011). Manual tasks can often be related to back injuries and musculoskeletal disorders in workers (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 63). In general, the manual material-handling capabilities of women are substantially lower than those of men. These differences may be attributed primarily to differences in muscle strength (Ashworth et al., 2004, p. 34). Women only have 55% of men’s upper-body strength and 72% of their lower-body or leg strength (Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 22). On average, a woman’s lifting strength is 60% – 70% of that of a man (Ashworth et al., 2004, p. 34).

Heat tolerance: Women working on mines, and in particular underground, are also exposed to extreme heat. Singer (2002, p. 1) states that the underground environment can be defined as dark and damp, and with an increase in temperature relative to an increase in depth. In South African mines, work environments with a wet-bulb temperature higher than 27.4 °C are considered hot and necessitate the introduction of practices to safeguard miners (Schutte, 2009). According to Ashworth et al. (2004, p. 35), all employees who work under ‘conditions conducive to heat stroke’ should be screened for gross or permanent heat intolerance by means of the standard heat tolerance screening test procedure. Heat tolerance screening is done to assess whether an individual can withstand high temperatures whilst doing physically demanding work, with the aim of protecting individuals against the negative consequences of heat exposure, such as heat stroke and heat-related diseases (Benya, 2009, p. 56).

Van Aardt et al. (2008, p. 22) postulate that under conditions of high ambient temperature, thermoregulation in women is less efficient than in men. This is also confirmed by the findings of Schutte (as cited in Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 22), which indicate that female mine workers are less tolerant to heat than their male counterparts.

High occupational heat loads can lead to the following problems, amongst others: impaired work capacity, errors of judgement with obvious implications for safety, lethargy and fatigue and complications such as heat stress, which can lead to heat stroke, which is often fatal (Schutte, 2009, p. 1). The following personal risk factors, amongst others, may reduce an individual’s tolerance for heat stress: age, obesity, state of hydration, use of medication and drugs, gender and acclimatisation state (Zungu, 2011). Furthermore, gynaecological conditions and pregnancy could also affect the way in which women handle heat stress (Zungu, 2011).

Anthropometry and body composition: According to Van Aardt et al. (2008, p. 22), differences exist in the anthropometry and body composition of men and women. The average man is heavier and has a greater lean body mass than the average woman. Furthermore, women tend to have more body fat and less lean mass than their male counterparts. Therefore, women will have lower maximum oxygen uptake values to transport the same body mass.

The design of mining equipment and tools used during mining does not always take into account the anthropometry of the user population (Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 22). Much of the mining equipment used in South African mines is designed to fit men (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 62). When mines started to recruit women, mining equipment was still only suitable for men, but both women and men had to share such equipment. Body dimensions are an important concept that should be taken into consideration with the design of mining equipment as well as its efficient operation (Campbell, 2007). Women face great risks to their safety when using work equipment, machinery and tools designed for men, and this may contribute to women’s work accident risks (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 63; Hermanus, 2007, p. 532; Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 23).

According to Badenhorst (2009, p. 59), a female employee can do any job that she is qualified to do, provided that she meets the requirements of the specific job. Furthermore, an employee should not be employed in a job or conduct tasks for which they are not medically fit or if they do not have the required physical and functional capabilities. Emphasis should be placed on worker selection, paying attention to the ergonomic fit of equipment, work tools and tasks to the worker’s physique (Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 23). A programme should be established to ensure that minimum medical requirements are met by employees, which include health risk assessment or a health risk profile for each occupation and the establishment of medical standards for each of these occupations based on the risk profiles (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 70). Furthermore, a test battery to conduct and measure these abilities should be established (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 70).

Pregnancy and breastfeeding are two of the major challenges mining companies have to deal with when incorporating women into the mining workforce. Pregnant employees are strongly protected under South African legislation. The Constitution of South Africa (RSA, 1996a), Section 9(3), and the Employment Equity Act (EEA, RSA, 1998), Section 6, explicitly prohibit unfair discrimination against anyone or any employee on the grounds of pregnancy. Furthermore, the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA, RSA, 1997) forbids employers to require a pregnant employee or an employee who is nursing her child to perform work that is hazardous to her health or the health of her child. It also obliges employers to offer her suitable, alternative employment if the employee is required to perform night work or if her work poses a danger to her health or safety or that of her child. In addition, the Code of Good Practice on the Protection of Employees during Pregnancy and after the Birth of a Child (Israelstam, 2012) aims at protecting pregnant and post-pregnant employees.

If a woman falls pregnant, the onus rests on her to inform management of her pregnancy in order to immediately enable them to accommodate her in a safe position (Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 23). Most women can continue working during pregnancy; however, the nature of the job and the risks associated with the job will determine for how long she will be able to perform the specific requirements of the job. Exposure to physical, chemical, ergonomic and biological hazards must be considered potentially dangerous to the health of pregnant women (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 69). Risk assessment is fundamental to the safe placement of female employees during pregnancy (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 60).

Because the mining industry was historically viewed as a ‘man’s world’, PPE was designed with men in mind. The design of most of the PPE used at South African mines is based on the anthropometry of male populations from Germany, France and the USA (Van Aardt et al., 2008, p. 23). On average, women’s feet are shorter and narrower than men’s, their bodies are shorter in length, their shoulders are narrower and their hips are usually wider (Zungu, 2011). The lack of correctly fitting PPE can affect the way women are protected as well as the way in which they are able to perform their jobs. Ill-fitting PPE restricts the ability of employees to move easily and exposes them to environmental hazards associated with mining. As women differ from men in terms of size and shape, their PPE should be adjusted and developed to ensure a proper fit, comfort and protection (Badenhorst, 2009, p. 62).

From the literature review it is clear that various factors need to be considered to ensure the health and safety of women working in the core business of mines. Consequently, the empirical findings of the research are presented.

The research setting was limited to the following three mines: a copper mine (underground), a phosphate mine (open-cast) and a platinum mine (underground). The mines were selected on an availability basis (convenience sampling). Convenience sampling refers to sampling by obtaining people or units that are conveniently available (Zikmund, Babin, Carr & Griffin, 2010, p. 396).

For the purpose of quantitative research, the study population consisted of management as well as male and female employees working in core mining activities of the three mines. Convenience sampling was used to select the participants. In total, 156 responses were received: 68 from the copper mine, 50 from the phosphate mine and 38 from the platinum mine (see Table 1).

Purposive or judgemental sampling was used to select participants for the qualitative research. Purposive sampling is a type of non-probability sampling in which the units to be observed are selected on the basis of the researcher’s judgement about which ones will be the most useful or representative (Babbie & Mouton, 2011, p. 184). In total, 12 individual interviews and 19 group interviews (69 participants) were conducted. The researcher aimed to gain information from various operations; therefore, the participants selected varied from various categories of employment and mining disciplines (see Table 2).

Quantitative data were collected by means of a structured questionnaire. Qualitative data were collected by means of individual and group interviews. The interviews were conducted in English. The interviews were semi-structured, as an interview guide was utilised. Data collected by means of semi-structured and group interviews were audio and video recorded and written notes were taken.

The qualitative approach supported the quantitative approach and aimed to provide more reliable results, because the researcher could ask probing questions of the participants and by so doing avoid misunderstanding of questions and gain better insight into the phenomenon of interest, as recommended by Welman, Kruger and Mitchell (2010, p. 167). In addition, the researcher could gain a deep understanding of the variables that have an impact on women in the mining sector.

The researcher formally requested permission from mine management to conduct research at three mining companies. After permission was granted, a formal appointment was scheduled with mine management to explain the nature and extent of the research. In each research setting (mines), a contact person (human resource officer targeted with women in mining) was allocated to the researcher to provide the necessary assistance and support during the research, which included the following: distributing and collecting the quantitative questionnaires, selecting appropriate participants for the individual interviews as well as group interviews, scheduling interviews and organising underground field trips as well as visits to surface mining operations. Most of the individual interviews and group interviews were scheduled between shifts in order not to interfere with the work responsibilities of the participants. Ethical considerations, such as voluntary participation, informed consent, privacy, anonymity and confidentiality were taken into account whilst conducting the research, as recommended by Babbie and Mouton (2011, p. 520).

Quantitative data obtained through the questionnaires were analysed with the support and assistance of the Statistic Consultation Service of North-West University. The statistical software program SPSS 21.0 for Windows was used to analyse the data. Firstly, descriptive statistics are presented, differentially in terms of the three mines included in the study. Descriptive statistics were reported per statement as mean. The benchmark (ideal) in terms of responses for every statement is 4, which indicates that compliance with the specific statement is satisfactory, except for a small number of reversed statements. Ratings of 2.5 and lower were regarded as ‘low’ and indicate that compliance with the specific statement is none or very limited. The opposite is applicable to reversed statements. Secondly, a factor analysis was conducted to explore the factorial structure of the section. The following values were measured and the results are reported as part of the factor analysis: the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy, the p-value of Bartlett’s test of sphericity, pattern matrices, communalities, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients and factor means. Thirdly, effect sizes were measured. Because an availability sample was used, p-values were not relevant and differences between means were examined for practical significance with effect sizes. Lastly, qualitative data obtained through the semi-structured interviews and group interviews were analysed by means of conceptual (thematic) analysis. Coding choices were made according to the following eight category coding steps indicated by Palmquist (cited in Babbie & Mouton, 2011, p. 492): deciding on the level of analysis, deciding on how many concepts to code for, deciding whether to code for the existence or frequency of a concept, deciding how to distinguish between concepts, developing rules for the coding of texts, deciding what to do with the data that are irrelevant, coding the data and analysing the results.

Although the female participants indicated that they have the physical ability to do their jobs well, they indicated that the work is tough and not easy to perform, especially underground. The women stated that they do not always have the physical strength, power and stamina required for specific positions. They want to prove themselves and often neglect their bodies to do their jobs well. The following quotes provide an indication of the female participants’ opinions regarding the physical ability of women employed in core mining positions and the constraints experienced:

‘I don’t have the steam to work at the position that I am working at.’ ‘I am not strong enough.’ ‘The job of mine is too hard.’ ‘We are sweating underground.’ (Female general, interview, 2011)

‘The loco is like a train, nè? It’s hard to operate. The steering wheel and everything is hard. The brakes. And to be on it every day, yô, it is hard. When you go on period you have some pains. Your back it pains. And that thing, it vibrates. I’m on it eight hours every day’. (Female loco operator, interview, 2011)

It is evident that some mining companies still provide overalls (shirts and trousers), shoes and gloves that are not women-friendly and are designed with men in mind. Moreover, some female participants were not satisfied with the respirators provided at one of the mines included in the study. The following responses reflect women’s need for protective clothing that are designed with women in mind:

‘Women, you know, have got curves and we are wearing men’s clothes. Sometimes it is difficult for you to know the correct size. Because it is male size, you find when you order overalls they are too big. When you order the small it is too small.’ (Female lab attendant, interview, 2011)

‘I’m not satisfied with the respirator that is provided to use in the plant. It sometimes feels [as if] I cannot inhale enough oxygen.’ (Female electrician, interview, 2011)

From the interviews and focus group discussions it became clear that different views exist on female employees’ experiences regarding treatment by management of the various mining companies during and after pregnancy (early motherhood and breastfeeding). The data also show that treatment within the same mining company differs. Some of the participants indicated that they were treated well from the moment they disclosed their pregnancies and they were employed in alternative positions that require light duty. Others indicated that they were not treated well at all and were not given light duty; they had to ask to be moved to work on the surface. The following quote expresses the opinion of a participant that was not treated well during her pregnancy:

‘The mine did not accommodate me when I fell pregnant. I went through hell. There are 21 men and I’m the only woman. I used to be ordered to work where it was not even safe. There is a lot of gas and dust. While I was pregnant no one ever considered that I was. I told my supervisor and everybody knew up to the manager that I was pregnant. From the very first month I was pregnant, the first trimester is the most difficult time of pregnancy, I was ordered “to go to hell and back”. That was when it was very much tough. I fainted the other day when they forced me to work and I told them that I’m not feeling great today.’ (Female reverb operator, interview, 2011)

According to the participants from the management target group of the copper and phosphate mines, women are removed from working conditions that could have an effect on their pregnancies, for example underground and areas with X-ray machines and related radioactivity. Provisions are made for female employees as per the MHSA.

Dust was indicated as a main concern amongst the participants. According to the female participants, dust affects their lungs, eyes and ears. The male participants indicated that women often get a rash from working in dusty areas and sometimes they need to take the next working day off to recover. The female participants felt that the mining company could do more to reduce dust in the work environment. They suggested that dust masks be improved and that water be used to reduce dust in dusty work environments.

The female participants indicated that work environments entailing vibration as well as the operating of heavy vibrating equipment and machines, such as locomotives, winding engines, rubber dozers and dump trucks, are not good for women, even if they are not pregnant. It was indicated that vibrating equipment tends to affect their menstruation cycles. Furthermore, it was indicated that vibration during pregnancy could enhance miscarriages.

As indicated in the introduction, the mining industry is a high-risk work environment. Women are not used to the dangerous work environment and often get scared when accidents occur. The following quotation provides an indication of the participant’s perceptions of mining as a dangerous environment:

‘As women we are very scared. Maybe sometimes you think maybe the rock will fall down. … Even the cage, just to go down. I remember the first time, I was crying. Sometimes the cage get stuck with you in the air for 20 minutes or 40 minutes. Just hanging there. Not knowing whether you are going to … go down or go up.’ (Female loco operator, interview, 2011)

Some female participants indicated that they do not feel safe when working night shifts. Sometimes only one or two women are working with many men during night shifts. Although security services are present at the main gates, a need was voiced for more security in each section or shaft. A need was also detected to lighten up areas that are dark at night.